According to a very recent United
Nations analysis, violence against women and girls worldwide persists at
alarmingly high levels (Sengupta). While this generation has seen unprecedented
gains for women in areas of education, health, and political power, more than
one in three women worldwide experience physical violence in their lifetime
(Sengupta). Not even written laws are enough to stop this persistent problem
when enforcement remains unreliable and gender-biased social norms that have
existed for centuries remain deeply ingrained in cultures across the globe.
India proves a timely case study for these gender biases, as national movements
call for change of its treatment of women, especially after mobilizing in
December 2012 after the horrific rape of an Indian student in Delhi. It is
important to note that the way to change the gender inequalities in India is
not forcing western ideologies upon them, but rather to work within the
culture, especially with the strong, successful movements already in place.
Creating more laws and policies is not enough to implement lasting cultural
change. To change norms and develop a society which values women and girls as
citizens and equals, enforcement of existing laws must be dramatically improved
and women in India must have access to economic independence through opportunities
in the workplace. Additionally, indigenous methods of accountability should be
expanded upon as they create a space for women to come together in solidarity
and conscious-raising education of gender equality and mutual respect should be
implemented early and persistently in schools to male and female students. Such
a multidimensional approach is the only way to begin to address the
complexities of gender biases in India, which is by no means alone in its
inequality of women.
India is a rapidly developing,
democratic country with a host of laws targeting gender-inequality. The Indian
Constitution, in Article 14, confers equal rights to women, and yet this is not
in practice by any means (“Delhi Rapist”). It is easy to condemn the men who
physically and sexually abuse women for their despicable behavior but “these
men are not the disease, they are the symptoms” (“Delhi Rapist”). Merely making
laws cannot change the deeply ingrained practices that devalue women in Indian
society; solely emphasizing the role of the state has proven ineffective time
and time again. It is illegal to give a dowry and yet the custom is widespread
(“Delhi Rapist”). Similarly, in 1994, the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act
made a nationwide ban on the use of prenatal techniques to determine the sex of
a fetus; this has been so poorly enforced that female feticide has led to a
noticeable gap in the male to female sex ratio (Dasgupta). One Indian woman summarized, “Law was made
for justice…but, for us, the law means nothing. We’ve seen the law, when it is
implemented, doesn’t work for us. It actually works against us” (Magar). Active
enforcement and evaluation of the efficacy of these laws is merely a start to
lessening and eventually eliminating the gender bias, but it is a start that
has yet to happen.
The lesser value as citizens
assigned to females is evident in the prevalence of physical and sexual
violence against them. In certain parts of south India the devdasi system,
which literally means “female servant of the gods”, has created such a
dehumanizing mindset regarding these prepubescent girls that when they are
raped it is not even reported as “rape” (Deshpande). These tolerant and even
encouraging attitudes towards rape and victim-blaming discourses are now being
protested nationwide in India, but their existence lingers. The attackers
involved in 2012 bus rape in Delhi not only did not show remorse in the
subsequent documentary, but also were bewildered at what all the subsequent
protests. Mukesh Singh, the bus driver, even stated in an interview, “A decent
girl won’t roam around at nine o’clock at night. A girl is far more responsible
for rape than a boy” (“Delhi Rapist”). Equally chilling, statistics show six
out of ten men in India have acted violently against heir wives or partners at
some point in time (Britto). This creates a cycle of domestic violence because
when a child sees or experiences violence they are much more likely to
perpetuate it (Britto). While protesting such disheartening victim-blaming
beliefs has started an important dialogue, it is not enough to alter entirely a
culture where these persist and women are abused more often than not. Especially
given the knowledge that these attitudes towards violence and women form at
such a young age, the solution must start with children, a new generation of
change-makers.
The patriarchal practice of
controlling a woman’s sexuality is by no means unique to India, yet it is
crucial to understanding existing cultural attitudes. A girl’s premarital
sexual activities, not a boy’s, are seen as responsible for a family’s loss of
status and honor in India (Magar). Constraints on women are an essential part
of a rise in caste hierarchy, and women, especially upper caste women, are
deeply restricted by a number of taboos (Desphande). They are the “custodians
of purity of the house and its members” and often must remain secluded
(Desphande). The defense attorney of the rapists in the Delhi 2012 case said in
a televised interview, and later stood by this statement, “If my daughter or
sister engaged in pre-marital activities and allowed herself to lose face and
character by doing such things, I would most certainly take [her] to my
farmhouse, and in front of my entire family, I would put petrol on her and set
her alight” (“Delhi Rapist”). The belief that a woman’s only value is tied to
her sexuality, abstinence before marriage and as a child bearer, specifically
of male children, immediately after marriage, is also widespread. Changing the
discourse to one that recognizes women as citizens, as equals, once again must
start at a young age and be taught to male and female children alike.
When females in India are not viewed
in light of their sexual value, they are often viewed as a burden to their
family, especially in terms of finances. Most women do not work outside the
home and will become destitute without their husband’s income (Magar). Such
dependence further perpetuates the male-dominated attitude in Indian society.
Even as children, girls are seen as a drain on their family’s resources. Ceremonies,
such as the ear-piercing ceremony and coming-of-age ceremony, are costly and
the aforementioned widely popular, though technically illicit, dowry
requirements are expensive, as well (Hedge). Males are socialized through
dominant cultural norms that it is their responsibility to provide for the
powerless, vulnerable women who are socialized to live as life-long dependents
(Segran).
The clearest solution, which also
would afford India significant economic gains, is to expand the workforce to
include women. But first, the stigma associated with working outside the home,
deemed a low-status pursuit, must be eliminated, again through persistent and
early education. The labor force participation rate, or the percent of females
above fifteen who labor outside the home, is merely 29%, whereas comparatively
it is 60% in China (“The Ugly Realities”). This figure demonstrates the
widespread notion that Indian women are not engaged in productive work and is
confirmed when they self-report as well (Deshpande). Not surprisingly, when women do work outside
the home, they receive poor earnings and lack control over their dismal work
conditions, which comes back to the issue of enforcement of equal rights laws. Though
gender gaps in elementary and secondary education in India are nearly closed,
the lack of women in the workplace demonstrates a problematic dependence on
males, reinforcing the current hierarchy, as well as widespread dismissing of
the contributions women could be making outside the home. Popularizing the idea
of women in the workplace could also give new value to women and girls, but
must be implemented in Indian schools by Indian teachers to male and female
students for greatest impact.
The value, or rather lack thereof,
assigned to women is best summarized in the Kallar saying proclaiming, “Raising
a daughter is like watering a neighbor’s plant” (Hedge). The aforementioned
illegal fetal sex determination test is so popular because of the widespread
preference for sons, which has led to the male-biased population ratio. While
women in the workplace would also eventually invalidate the belief that
daughters are simply a financial drain, currently, Indian parents value sons
also for the upward mobility they represent. Sons are the only rightful heirs
and only sons can perform death rites and light funeral pyres for their parents
(Hedge).
All of the offences against women in
India can be traced to when girls are not as welcome as boys from the moment
they are born: “If a girl is accorded no value, if a girl is worth less than a
boy, then it stands to reason there will be men who believe they can do what
they like with them” (“Delhi Rapist”).
Son preference, or the mindset that sons are more valuable than
daughters, is still so pervasive that studies have indicated gender gaps in
nutrition of children (Dasgupta). When brothers notice from an early age that
they receive more food than their sisters and other privileges, it is no wonder
that patriarchal mindsets and male entitlement persist. The daughters, socialized
as nothing more than drains on their family’s resources, are well aware of
their narrow escape with female infanticide.
The constant reminder of their second-class citizenship, full knowledge
of their unwantedness, and overall lack of freedom, much like growing up in a
culture of domestic violence, often leads many of these women to decide against
daughters when the time comes for their own families. “We (women) kill her
because we do not want her to suffer like we do” (Srinivasan).
The girls studied who were raised
around female infanticide all dreaded growing up, knowing societal requirements
would most likely override their own future plans and dreams (Srinivasan).
Unmarried girls are compared to “an inferno in the stomach” and therefore marriage
is prioritized over higher education or a career (Srinivasan). This non-negotiability
of a timely marriage severely limits the potential these girls see for their
own futures. And if they remain hesitant to set goals for themselves, it is
even less likely that the males in their lives will grant them this agency.
These problems of rape,
victim-blaming, son preference, domestic violence, and sexual control and
repression of females are certainly not unique to India, but the solutions to
change these social norms that have evolved and persisted for centuries need to
be. In this age of globalization, the preferred solution for a number of
international problems is often prescribed from a western perspective. This
lack of cultural awareness is rarely helpful and often does more damage than
good; it is a fallacy to equate Indian traditions with patriarchy and
oppression and idealize Western exposure as the key to progress (Desphande). An
excellent example of this is the resistance foreign social workers in India
have met in their efforts to stop female infanticide. Their admirable
intentions are undermined by the simple fact that they are viewed as outsiders
and interferences, therefore losing any credibility (Hedge).
The change of India must come from
India and progress has already been made. For weeks after the Delhi rape in
2012, unprecedented masses of protestors, men and women, took to the streets in
many major cities in India (“Delhi Rapist”).
Though India is by no means thought to be a model for gender equality,
these protests served as an example to the rest of the world and served as what
the producer of India’s Daughter
called, “the cusp of change” (“Delhi Rapist”). These new thinkers who
participated in the protests are indeed future leaders, but protests and
antiestablishment rhetoric do not create lasting change, they are merely a
starting point.
The long-term empowerment of women must
occur to reduce and eventually eliminate this gender bias. One such successful
indigenous approach, which combats problems of enforcement of Indian laws
against domestic violence, is the creating of mahila panchayats (Magar). These
all-women courts are inter-caste, self-appointed, and unofficial, yet respected
enough to serve as an efficient and effective means of justice outside the
official system of governance (Magar). The mahila panchayats schedule hearings,
which both the abused woman and her husband attend, and help the couples come
to an acceptable decision on how to proceed with their marriage. The tremendous
success of these courts in empowering and protecting women demonstrates how
solidarity and creating a public space for women is enough to challenge
traditional expectations.
An
Indian NGO, Action India, started working with girls in schools to begin conscious-raising
on a massive scale (Magar). Education is indeed crucial to the long-term
empowerment of women, but it must extend to males, as well. “Women have to be
considered as equal participants in shaping the future of society in India”
(Segran). Though the gender gap in elementary and secondary education is all
but closed, the separation of girls and boys in schools perpetuates the
prevailing ideas that they are not equals. Boys cannot be expected to respect
girls if they cannot perceive any common ground just like they cannot be
expected to view girls as intellectuals and equals if they do not learn and
grow together. In the existing system, the most common interaction between
young boys and girls is “eve-teasing” in which boys shout at girls when they
walk to and from school or around their homes (Srinivasan). This systematic
separation of girls and boys, combined with the preferential treatment of sons
and domestic violence in many of these young children’s homes, is an obvious
factor in the perpetuation of gender discrimination in India. The best way to
implement lasting change is creating a third space in schools where young
children are taught to respect both genders in a discourse that includes and
celebrates women. To work, this must be
persistent and implemented at the earliest age possible.
The assumption that Indian women have
been complacent in their mistreatment is a falsehood. They have a long
tradition of resistance and struggle both through organized movements and in
their daily lives (Deshpande). The general consensus among the various women’s
groups in India is that affirmative action in the political arena is crucial
(Deshpande). Indeed, if women in India had agency of their own, surely the
equal rights laws would be better enforced and daughters might be valued
instead of resented or cast aside as “Kuzhipapas”, babies of the burial pit.
But political power is not enough. Economic independence and the worth
associated with productive work outside the home would further change these social
norms, as well as leading to significant economic growth for India as a whole
(“The Ugly Realities”).
To remove stigmas with women working
outside the home, early education discourses directed at young boys and girls
should focus on the benefits this would have for all involved. Additionally,
the success of the mahila panchayats should be expanded upon. Indian women
currently in the workplace, though the minority, could experience similar
success through solidarity and critical consciousness, and serve as role models
to the young girls in the education system. The power of collective influence
should not be dismissed and may be one of the most effective tools in changing
social norms and sexist practices.
Condemning India for the prevailing
sexism is neither fair nor productive. Prescribing western solutions and
interference has, predictably, been met with resistance. While clearly the
sexual and physical violence against women must not be tolerated, the social
attitudes and norms that perpetuate these sickening behaviors cannot be changed
rapidly. The large-scale protests after the horrific Delhi rape of 2012 and the
recent media attention after the release of India’s
Daughter have done well to start a dialogue of change as well as to gather
these new thinkers under a common purpose. But with equal status laws for women
already in place, there is only so much protesting the system and the state can
do. Greater representation of women in Indian government could lead to greater
enforcement of these laws and a cultural shift in the value of women, in
general. But the most important and lasting means of conscious-raising is the
changing way in which Indian children are socialized to view gender. If boys
and girls can be taught mutual respect for one another, in a discourse that
values females for more than their sexual purity or son-producing capabilities,
a rape culture and victim-blaming society could be altered entirely.
Additionally, creating a space for women and girls to come together, outside of
the home, like in the case of the all-female courts would promote solidarity
and give women the agency to demand just treatment whenever the legal
enforcement of equal rights laws is lacking. Lastly, opening the workplace to
women and removing the stigma with work outside the home, would shift the idea
of women and daughters as mere dependents on their families and force their
family members and colleagues to recognize their value. The change in India
will come from within India, starting with the youth.
