Thursday, March 26, 2015

Changing a Mob Mentality

On March 21, Farkuhunda, a 27 year old Afghan woman was attacked and murdered in the street by a mob of men for allegedly burning a Quran. She was killed mercilessly, her body run over by a car, lit on a fire, and thrown over a bridge. No evidence has been found of burnt Quran pages, what her murderers used as justification for their despicable actions, and her family insists she was a devout Muslim, even a Religious Studies major.

What is most problematic to me is the focus on whether or not she burned the pages, which all sources point to that she did not, and not the fact that regardless, what happened to Farkuhunda is a horrible tragedy. How in this day and age is it possible for a person to be murdered by a mob in a street? The excuses, conflicting reports, and misplaced focus on what she may have done before she was attacked, demonstrate the root of the persistent problem - women are not valued as equals, not just in Afghanistan, but in most of the world, today.

Fereshta Kazemi, an Afghan-American activist, elaborates:
“Here was this woman who was smart, and pious and very dedicated to Islam. She was exactly what even conservatives there were pushing for women to be like, and yet here she is dead.”

#JusticeForFarkhunda is trending on Twitter and this mob killing has sparked a global movement. Tonight (Thursday) there will be vigils in New York City, Toronto, and around the world.

The protests in Afganistan have seen unprecedented participation. A justice and rights advocate in Kabul, Ramin Anwari, helped arrange a rally on Tuesday: 
"I saw young boys and girls coming with their parents. In the past, women marching in public was limited to extreme activists, but this time I saw families and mothers and housewives."


Anwari further explained that these protests aim to change the dangerous mentality in Afghanistan. Social media has already played an important role in starting this conversation and raising awareness.


Thousands of people attended Farkunda's funeral on Sunday. Though it is customary for only men to be pallbearers, her coffin was carried only by women.

It is deeply disheartening that focus on issues female empowerment most often comes after tremendous injustice. Farkunda should not have had to die so tragically for the world to feel something regarding the inequality of women in Afghanistan. 

Farkunda will not have the bright future she could have, but if the momentum of these protests persists, hopefully this global dialogue will create a positive mob mentality, spreading the idea that women are people, women are equals, and that there is no place for violence against women ever, especially not in these modern times.







Thursday, March 19, 2015

India's Daughters and Sons


            According to a very recent United Nations analysis, violence against women and girls worldwide persists at alarmingly high levels (Sengupta). While this generation has seen unprecedented gains for women in areas of education, health, and political power, more than one in three women worldwide experience physical violence in their lifetime (Sengupta). Not even written laws are enough to stop this persistent problem when enforcement remains unreliable and gender-biased social norms that have existed for centuries remain deeply ingrained in cultures across the globe. India proves a timely case study for these gender biases, as national movements call for change of its treatment of women, especially after mobilizing in December 2012 after the horrific rape of an Indian student in Delhi. It is important to note that the way to change the gender inequalities in India is not forcing western ideologies upon them, but rather to work within the culture, especially with the strong, successful movements already in place. Creating more laws and policies is not enough to implement lasting cultural change. To change norms and develop a society which values women and girls as citizens and equals, enforcement of existing laws must be dramatically improved and women in India must have access to economic independence through opportunities in the workplace. Additionally, indigenous methods of accountability should be expanded upon as they create a space for women to come together in solidarity and conscious-raising education of gender equality and mutual respect should be implemented early and persistently in schools to male and female students. Such a multidimensional approach is the only way to begin to address the complexities of gender biases in India, which is by no means alone in its inequality of women.
            India is a rapidly developing, democratic country with a host of laws targeting gender-inequality. The Indian Constitution, in Article 14, confers equal rights to women, and yet this is not in practice by any means (“Delhi Rapist”). It is easy to condemn the men who physically and sexually abuse women for their despicable behavior but “these men are not the disease, they are the symptoms” (“Delhi Rapist”). Merely making laws cannot change the deeply ingrained practices that devalue women in Indian society; solely emphasizing the role of the state has proven ineffective time and time again. It is illegal to give a dowry and yet the custom is widespread (“Delhi Rapist”). Similarly, in 1994, the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act made a nationwide ban on the use of prenatal techniques to determine the sex of a fetus; this has been so poorly enforced that female feticide has led to a noticeable gap in the male to female sex ratio (Dasgupta).  One Indian woman summarized, “Law was made for justice…but, for us, the law means nothing. We’ve seen the law, when it is implemented, doesn’t work for us. It actually works against us” (Magar). Active enforcement and evaluation of the efficacy of these laws is merely a start to lessening and eventually eliminating the gender bias, but it is a start that has yet to happen.
            The lesser value as citizens assigned to females is evident in the prevalence of physical and sexual violence against them. In certain parts of south India the devdasi system, which literally means “female servant of the gods”, has created such a dehumanizing mindset regarding these prepubescent girls that when they are raped it is not even reported as “rape” (Deshpande). These tolerant and even encouraging attitudes towards rape and victim-blaming discourses are now being protested nationwide in India, but their existence lingers. The attackers involved in 2012 bus rape in Delhi not only did not show remorse in the subsequent documentary, but also were bewildered at what all the subsequent protests. Mukesh Singh, the bus driver, even stated in an interview, “A decent girl won’t roam around at nine o’clock at night. A girl is far more responsible for rape than a boy” (“Delhi Rapist”). Equally chilling, statistics show six out of ten men in India have acted violently against heir wives or partners at some point in time (Britto). This creates a cycle of domestic violence because when a child sees or experiences violence they are much more likely to perpetuate it (Britto). While protesting such disheartening victim-blaming beliefs has started an important dialogue, it is not enough to alter entirely a culture where these persist and women are abused more often than not. Especially given the knowledge that these attitudes towards violence and women form at such a young age, the solution must start with children, a new generation of change-makers.
            The patriarchal practice of controlling a woman’s sexuality is by no means unique to India, yet it is crucial to understanding existing cultural attitudes. A girl’s premarital sexual activities, not a boy’s, are seen as responsible for a family’s loss of status and honor in India (Magar). Constraints on women are an essential part of a rise in caste hierarchy, and women, especially upper caste women, are deeply restricted by a number of taboos (Desphande). They are the “custodians of purity of the house and its members” and often must remain secluded (Desphande). The defense attorney of the rapists in the Delhi 2012 case said in a televised interview, and later stood by this statement, “If my daughter or sister engaged in pre-marital activities and allowed herself to lose face and character by doing such things, I would most certainly take [her] to my farmhouse, and in front of my entire family, I would put petrol on her and set her alight” (“Delhi Rapist”). The belief that a woman’s only value is tied to her sexuality, abstinence before marriage and as a child bearer, specifically of male children, immediately after marriage, is also widespread. Changing the discourse to one that recognizes women as citizens, as equals, once again must start at a young age and be taught to male and female children alike.
            When females in India are not viewed in light of their sexual value, they are often viewed as a burden to their family, especially in terms of finances. Most women do not work outside the home and will become destitute without their husband’s income (Magar). Such dependence further perpetuates the male-dominated attitude in Indian society. Even as children, girls are seen as a drain on their family’s resources. Ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ceremony and coming-of-age ceremony, are costly and the aforementioned widely popular, though technically illicit, dowry requirements are expensive, as well (Hedge). Males are socialized through dominant cultural norms that it is their responsibility to provide for the powerless, vulnerable women who are socialized to live as life-long dependents (Segran).
            The clearest solution, which also would afford India significant economic gains, is to expand the workforce to include women. But first, the stigma associated with working outside the home, deemed a low-status pursuit, must be eliminated, again through persistent and early education. The labor force participation rate, or the percent of females above fifteen who labor outside the home, is merely 29%, whereas comparatively it is 60% in China (“The Ugly Realities”). This figure demonstrates the widespread notion that Indian women are not engaged in productive work and is confirmed when they self-report as well (Deshpande).  Not surprisingly, when women do work outside the home, they receive poor earnings and lack control over their dismal work conditions, which comes back to the issue of enforcement of equal rights laws. Though gender gaps in elementary and secondary education in India are nearly closed, the lack of women in the workplace demonstrates a problematic dependence on males, reinforcing the current hierarchy, as well as widespread dismissing of the contributions women could be making outside the home. Popularizing the idea of women in the workplace could also give new value to women and girls, but must be implemented in Indian schools by Indian teachers to male and female students for greatest impact.
            The value, or rather lack thereof, assigned to women is best summarized in the Kallar saying proclaiming, “Raising a daughter is like watering a neighbor’s plant” (Hedge). The aforementioned illegal fetal sex determination test is so popular because of the widespread preference for sons, which has led to the male-biased population ratio. While women in the workplace would also eventually invalidate the belief that daughters are simply a financial drain, currently, Indian parents value sons also for the upward mobility they represent. Sons are the only rightful heirs and only sons can perform death rites and light funeral pyres for their parents (Hedge).
            All of the offences against women in India can be traced to when girls are not as welcome as boys from the moment they are born: “If a girl is accorded no value, if a girl is worth less than a boy, then it stands to reason there will be men who believe they can do what they like with them” (“Delhi Rapist”).  Son preference, or the mindset that sons are more valuable than daughters, is still so pervasive that studies have indicated gender gaps in nutrition of children (Dasgupta). When brothers notice from an early age that they receive more food than their sisters and other privileges, it is no wonder that patriarchal mindsets and male entitlement persist. The daughters, socialized as nothing more than drains on their family’s resources, are well aware of their narrow escape with female infanticide.  The constant reminder of their second-class citizenship, full knowledge of their unwantedness, and overall lack of freedom, much like growing up in a culture of domestic violence, often leads many of these women to decide against daughters when the time comes for their own families. “We (women) kill her because we do not want her to suffer like we do” (Srinivasan).
            The girls studied who were raised around female infanticide all dreaded growing up, knowing societal requirements would most likely override their own future plans and dreams (Srinivasan). Unmarried girls are compared to “an inferno in the stomach” and therefore marriage is prioritized over higher education or a career (Srinivasan). This non-negotiability of a timely marriage severely limits the potential these girls see for their own futures. And if they remain hesitant to set goals for themselves, it is even less likely that the males in their lives will grant them this agency.
            These problems of rape, victim-blaming, son preference, domestic violence, and sexual control and repression of females are certainly not unique to India, but the solutions to change these social norms that have evolved and persisted for centuries need to be. In this age of globalization, the preferred solution for a number of international problems is often prescribed from a western perspective. This lack of cultural awareness is rarely helpful and often does more damage than good; it is a fallacy to equate Indian traditions with patriarchy and oppression and idealize Western exposure as the key to progress (Desphande). An excellent example of this is the resistance foreign social workers in India have met in their efforts to stop female infanticide. Their admirable intentions are undermined by the simple fact that they are viewed as outsiders and interferences, therefore losing any credibility (Hedge).
            The change of India must come from India and progress has already been made. For weeks after the Delhi rape in 2012, unprecedented masses of protestors, men and women, took to the streets in many major cities in India (“Delhi Rapist”).  Though India is by no means thought to be a model for gender equality, these protests served as an example to the rest of the world and served as what the producer of India’s Daughter called, “the cusp of change” (“Delhi Rapist”). These new thinkers who participated in the protests are indeed future leaders, but protests and antiestablishment rhetoric do not create lasting change, they are merely a starting point.
The long-term empowerment of women must occur to reduce and eventually eliminate this gender bias. One such successful indigenous approach, which combats problems of enforcement of Indian laws against domestic violence, is the creating of mahila panchayats (Magar). These all-women courts are inter-caste, self-appointed, and unofficial, yet respected enough to serve as an efficient and effective means of justice outside the official system of governance (Magar). The mahila panchayats schedule hearings, which both the abused woman and her husband attend, and help the couples come to an acceptable decision on how to proceed with their marriage. The tremendous success of these courts in empowering and protecting women demonstrates how solidarity and creating a public space for women is enough to challenge traditional expectations.
            An Indian NGO, Action India, started working with girls in schools to begin conscious-raising on a massive scale (Magar). Education is indeed crucial to the long-term empowerment of women, but it must extend to males, as well. “Women have to be considered as equal participants in shaping the future of society in India” (Segran). Though the gender gap in elementary and secondary education is all but closed, the separation of girls and boys in schools perpetuates the prevailing ideas that they are not equals. Boys cannot be expected to respect girls if they cannot perceive any common ground just like they cannot be expected to view girls as intellectuals and equals if they do not learn and grow together. In the existing system, the most common interaction between young boys and girls is “eve-teasing” in which boys shout at girls when they walk to and from school or around their homes (Srinivasan). This systematic separation of girls and boys, combined with the preferential treatment of sons and domestic violence in many of these young children’s homes, is an obvious factor in the perpetuation of gender discrimination in India. The best way to implement lasting change is creating a third space in schools where young children are taught to respect both genders in a discourse that includes and celebrates women.  To work, this must be persistent and implemented at the earliest age possible.
The assumption that Indian women have been complacent in their mistreatment is a falsehood. They have a long tradition of resistance and struggle both through organized movements and in their daily lives (Deshpande). The general consensus among the various women’s groups in India is that affirmative action in the political arena is crucial (Deshpande). Indeed, if women in India had agency of their own, surely the equal rights laws would be better enforced and daughters might be valued instead of resented or cast aside as “Kuzhipapas”, babies of the burial pit. But political power is not enough. Economic independence and the worth associated with productive work outside the home would further change these social norms, as well as leading to significant economic growth for India as a whole (“The Ugly Realities”). 
To remove stigmas with women working outside the home, early education discourses directed at young boys and girls should focus on the benefits this would have for all involved. Additionally, the success of the mahila panchayats should be expanded upon. Indian women currently in the workplace, though the minority, could experience similar success through solidarity and critical consciousness, and serve as role models to the young girls in the education system. The power of collective influence should not be dismissed and may be one of the most effective tools in changing social norms and sexist practices.
Condemning India for the prevailing sexism is neither fair nor productive. Prescribing western solutions and interference has, predictably, been met with resistance. While clearly the sexual and physical violence against women must not be tolerated, the social attitudes and norms that perpetuate these sickening behaviors cannot be changed rapidly. The large-scale protests after the horrific Delhi rape of 2012 and the recent media attention after the release of India’s Daughter have done well to start a dialogue of change as well as to gather these new thinkers under a common purpose. But with equal status laws for women already in place, there is only so much protesting the system and the state can do. Greater representation of women in Indian government could lead to greater enforcement of these laws and a cultural shift in the value of women, in general. But the most important and lasting means of conscious-raising is the changing way in which Indian children are socialized to view gender. If boys and girls can be taught mutual respect for one another, in a discourse that values females for more than their sexual purity or son-producing capabilities, a rape culture and victim-blaming society could be altered entirely. Additionally, creating a space for women and girls to come together, outside of the home, like in the case of the all-female courts would promote solidarity and give women the agency to demand just treatment whenever the legal enforcement of equal rights laws is lacking. Lastly, opening the workplace to women and removing the stigma with work outside the home, would shift the idea of women and daughters as mere dependents on their families and force their family members and colleagues to recognize their value. The change in India will come from within India, starting with the youth.










Tuesday, March 10, 2015

"Legal Justice League" Legos

Mala Weinstock created the Lego version of the women of the Supreme Court in honor of International Women's Day:


“For International Women's Day, I decided to focus on the first four women who've reached the highest level of our judiciary system. All of these women are trailblazers who should be celebrated — not only by adults but by kids just learning about civics and government.”

Sandra Day O’Connor, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan are definitely excellent role models for all kids and the Lego versions have already gone viral. Unfortunately the LEGO company steers clear of anything political but the idea and message behind the project is certainly commendable. 

Saturday, March 7, 2015

Cosmo With a Grain of Salt

By now most people have heard about the problematic portrayals of women in the media. The disproportionate objectification and sexualization of females on television, on film, and in magazines is finally being noted and hopefully will soon be addressed.

When I peruse through magazines, I know to take their content with a grain of salt. The flawless models and celebrities are most likely photoshopped and not a realistic standard to compare myself to. This, too, is relatively common knowledge.





















But an issue I never really thought about as a media consumer was brought to my attention recently through this video. Two talented poets, Desiree Dallagiacomo and Kaycee Filson, call out the mainstream media, specifically magazines, for not just showing women as objects through photos but for instructing women to view themselves this way, specifically in the advice sections.

Whenever my friends and I have read Cosmopolitan or anything similar it never occurRed to any of us that the sex tips focused exclusively on the male's personal experience. Often times the suggestions are elaborate and absurd, as the spoken word artists  demonstrated, but always from this very one-sided perspective and focus.

How can magazines written for women dole out tips as unusual as "sprinkle pepper under his nose" and other intricate novelties yet neglect entirely to mention any tips on asking for what you like or how to make sex more enjoyable for the vast majority of the readership- women themselves?

It alarms me that I never noticed this because I usually am pretty perceptive to injustices against females (hence the blog). My obliviousness shows how pervasive this male-pleasure-centric view of sex is in our culture.  It is one thing to be selfless but it is another thing entirely to disregard your own needs, possibly losing any sense of self in the process.

Women should not be cultured to view their worth as entirely dependent on their ability to please their male counterparts. And while we're on the subject of objectifying women, they close with the profoundly logical, "I am not 'asking for it' unless I am actually asking for it."